THE man who, on a quiet spring evening of the year -1914, opened his atlas
to a political map of the world and pored over its many-tinted patterns
probably got one fundamental impression: the overwhelming preponderance of
the white race in the ordering of the world's affairs. Judged by accepted
canons of statecraft, the white man towered the indisputable master of the
planet.
Forth from Europe's teeming mother hive the imperious Sons of Japhet
had swarmed for centuries to plant their laws, their customs, and their
battle-flags at the uttermost ends of the earth. Two whole continents, North
America and Australia, had been made virtually as white in blood as the
European motherland; two other continents, South America and Africa, had
been extensively colonized by white stocks; while even huge Asia had seen
its empty northern march, Siberia, pre-empted for the white man's abode.
Even where white populations had not locked themselves to the soil few
regions of the earth had escaped the white man's imperial sway, and vast
areas inhabited by uncounted myriads of dusky folk obeyed the white man's
will.
Beside the
enormous area of white settlement or control, the regions under non-white
governance bulked small indeed. In eastern Asia, China, Japan, and Siam; in
western Asia, Turkey, Afghanistan, and Persia; in Africa, Abyssinia, and
Liberia; and in America the minute state of Haiti: such was the brief list
of lands under non-white rule. In other words, of the 53,000,000 square
miles which (excluding the polar regions) constitute the land area of the
globe, only 6,000,000 square miles had non-white governments, and nearly
two-thirds of this relatively modest remainder was represented by China and
its dependencies.
Since 1914 the
world has been convulsed by the most terrible war in recorded history.
This war was primarily a struggle between the white
peoples, who have borne the brunt of the conflict and have suffered most of
the losses. Nevertheless, one of the
war's results has been a further whittling down of the areas standing
outside white political control. Turkey is to-day practically an
Anglo-French condominium, Persia is virtually a protectorate of the British
Empire, while the United States has thrown over the endemic anarchy of Haiti
the aegis of the Pax Americana. Study of the political map might thus
apparently lead one to conclude that white world-predominance is immutable
since the war's ordeal has still further broadened the territorial basis of
its authority.
At this point the
reader is perhaps asking himself why this book was ever undertaken. The
answer is: the dangerous delusion created by viewing world affairs solely
from the angle of politics. The late war has taught
many lessons as to the unstable and transitory character of even the most
imposing political phenomena, while a better reading of history must bring
home the truth that the basic factor in human affairs is not politics but
race. The reader has already encountered this fundamental truth
on every page of the Introduction. He will remember, for instance, how
west-central Asia, which in the dawn of history was predominantly white
man's country, is to-day racially brown man's land in which white blood
survives only as vestigial traces of vanishing significance. If this portion
of Asia, the former seat of mighty white empires and possibly the very
homeland of the white race itself, should have so entirely changed its
ethnic character, what assurance can the most impressive political panorama
give us that the present world-order may not swiftly and utterly pass away?
The force of this
query is exemplified when we turn from the political to the racial map of
the globe. What a transformation! Instead of a
world politically nine-tenths white, we see a world of which only
four-tenths at the most can be considered predominantly white in blood, the
rest of the world being inhabited mainly by the other primary races of
mankind - yellows, browns, blacks, and reds. Speaking by continents, Europe,
North America to the Rio Grade, the southern portion of South America, the
Siberian part of Asia, and Australasia constitute the real white world;
while the bulk of Asia, virtually the whole of Africa, and most of Central
and South America form the world of color. The respective areas of these two
racially contrasted worlds are 22,000,000 square miles for the whites and
31,000,000 square miles for the colored races. Furthermore it must be
remembered that fully one-third of the white area (notably Australasia and
Siberia) is very thinly inhabited and is thus held by a very slender racial
tenure-the only tenure which counts in the long run.
The statistical disproportion between the white and
colored worlds becomes still more marked when we turn from surveys of area
to tables of population. The total number of human beings alive to-day is
about 1,700,000,000. Of these 550,000,000 are white, while 1,150,000,000 are
colored. The colored races thus outnumber the whites more than two to one.
Another fact of capital importance is that the great bulk of the white race
is concentrated in the European continent. In 1914 the population
of Europe was approximately 450,000,000. The late war has undoubtedly caused
an absolute decrease of many millions of souls.
Nevertheless, the basic fact remains that some four-fifths of the entire
white race is concentrated on less than one-fifth of the white world's
territorial area (Europe), while the remaining one-fifth of the race (some
110,000,000 souls), scattered to the ends of the earth, must protect
four-fifths of the white territorial heritage against the pressure of
colored races eleven times its numerical strength.
As to the
1,150,000,000 of the colored world, they are divided, as already stated,
into four primary categories: yellows, browns, blacks, and reds. The yellows
are the most numerous of the colored races, numbering over 500,000,000.
Their habitat is eastern Asia. Nearly as numerous and much more wide-spread
than the yellows are the browns, numbering some 450,000,000. The browns
spread in a broad belt from the Pacific Ocean westward across southern Asia
and northern Africa to the Atlantic Ocean. The blacks total about
150,000,000. Their centre is Africa south of the Sahara Desert, but besides
the African continent there are vestigial black traces across southern Asia
to the Pacific and also strong black outposts in the Americas. Least
numerous of the colored race-stocks are the reds-the "Indians" of the
western hemisphere. Mustering a total of less than 40,000,000, the reds are
almost all located south of the Rio Grande in "Latin America."
Such is the ethnic make-up of that world of color
which, as already seen, outnumbers the white world two to one. That is a
formidable ratio, and its significance is heightened by the fact that this
ratio seems destined to shift still further in favor of color.
There can be no doubt that at present the colored races are increasing very
much faster than the white. Treating the primary race-stocks as units, it
would appear that whites tend to double in eighty years, yellows and browns
in sixty years, blacks in forty years. The whites
are thus the slowest breeders, and they will undoubtedly become slower
still, since section after section of the white race is revealing that
lowered birth rate which in France has reached the extreme of a stationary
population.
On the other hand, none of the colored races shows
perceptible signs of declining birth-rate, all tending to breed up to the
limits of available subsistence. Such checks as now limit the
increase of colored populations are wholly external, like famine, disease,
and tribal warfare. But by a curious irony of fate, the white man has long
been busy removing these checks to colored multiplication. The greater part
of the colored world is to-day under white political control. Wherever the
white man goes he attempts to impose the bases of his ordered civilization.
He puts down tribal war, he wages truceless combat against epidemic disease,
and he so improves communications that augmented and better distributed
food-supplies minimize the blight of famine. In response to these Iife-saving
activities the enormous death-rate which in the past has kept the colored
races from excessive multiplication is falling to proportions comparable
with the death-rate of white countries. But to lower the colored world's
prodigious birth rate is quite another matter. The consequence is a
portentous increase of population in nearly every portion of the colored
world now under white political sway. In fact, even
those colored countries which have maintained their independence, such as
China and Japan, are adopting the white man's life-conserving methods and
are experiencing the same accelerated increase of population.
Now what must be
the inevitable result of all this? It can mean only one thing: a tremendous
and steadily augmenting outward thrust of surplus colored men from
overcrowded colored homelands. Remember that these homelands are already
populated up to the available limits of subsistence. Of course present
limits can in many cases be pushed back by better living conditions,
improved agriculture, and the rise of modern machine industry such as is
already under way in Japan. Nevertheless, in view of the tremendous
population increases which must occur, these can be only palliatives. Where,
then, should the congested colored world tend to pour its accumulating human
surplus, inexorably condemned to emigrate or starve? The answer is: into
those emptier regions of the earth under white political control. But many
of those relatively empty lands have been definitely set aside by the white
man as his own special heritage. The upshot is that the rising flood of
color finds itself walled in by white dikes debarring it from many a
promised land which it would fain deluge with its dusky waves.
Thus the colored
world, long restive under white political domination, is being welded by the
most fundamental of instincts, the instinct of self-preservation, into a
common solidarity of feeling against the dominant white man, and in the fire
of a common purpose internecine differences tend, for the time at least, to
be burned away. Before the supreme fact of white political world-domination,
antipathies within the colored world must inevitably recede into the
background.
The imperious
urge of the colored world toward racial expansion was well visualized by
that keen English student of world affairs, Doctor E. J. Dillon, when he
wrote more than a decade ago: "The problem is one of life and death-a
veritable sphinx-question- to those most nearly concerned. For, no race,
however inferior it may be, will consent to famish slowly in order that
other people may fatten and take their ease, especially if it has a good
chance to make a fight for life." (E. J. Dillon, "The
Asiatic Problem," Contemporary Review, February, 1908.)
This white
statement of the colored thesis is an accurate reflection of what colored
men say themselves. For example, a Japanese scholar, Professor Ryutaro
Nagai, writes: "The world was not made for the white races, but for the
other races as well. In Australia, South Africa, Canada, and the United
States, there are vast tracts of unoccupied territory awaiting settlement,
and although the citizens of the ruling Powers refuse to take up the land,
no yellow people are permitted to enter. Thus the white races seem ready to
commit to the savage birds and beasts what they refuse to entrust to their
brethren of the yellow race. Surely the arrogance and avarice of the
nobility in apportioning to themselves the most and the best of the land in
certain countries is as nothing compared with the attitude of the white
races toward those of a different hue." (Ryutaro Nagai in
The Japan Magazine. Quoted from The American Review of Reviews, July, 1913,
p. 107.)
The bitter
resentment of white predominance and exclusiveness awakened in many colored
breasts is typified by the following lines penned by a brown man a
British-educated Afghan, shortly before the European War. Inveighing against
our "racial prejudice, that cowardly, wretched caste-mark of the European
and the American the world over," he exultantly predicts "a coming struggle
between Asia, all Asia, against Europe and America. You are heaping up
material for a Jehad, a Pan-Islam, a Pan-Asia Holy War, a gigantic day of
reckoning, an invasion of a new Attila and Tamerlane who will use rifles and
bullets, instead of lances and spears. You are deaf to the voice of reason
and fairness, and so you must be taught with the whirring swish of the sword
when it is red." (Achmet Abdullah, "Seen Through
Mohammedan Spectacles," FORUM, October, 1914.)
Of course in
these statements there is nothing either exceptional or novel. The colored
races never welcomed white predominance and were always restive under white
control. Down to the close of the nineteenth century, however, they
generally accepted white hegemony as a disagreeable but inevitable fact.
For four hundred years the white man had added
continent to continent in his imperial progress, equipped with resistless
sea-power and armed with a mechanical superiority that crushed down all
local efforts at resistance. In time,
therefore, the colored races accorded to white supremacy a fatalistic
acquiescence, and, though never loved, the white man was usually respected
and universally feared.
During the
closing decades of the nineteenth century, to be sure, premonitory signs of
a change in attitude began to appear. The yellow and brown races, at least,
stirred by the very impact of Western ideas, measured the white man with a
more critical eye and commenced to wonder whether his superiority was due to
anything more than a fortuitous combination of circumstances which might be
altered by efforts of their own. Japan put this theory to the test by going
sedulously to the white man's school. The upshot was the Russo-Japanese War
of 1904, an event the momentous character of which is even now not fully
appreciated. Of course, that war was merely the sign-manual of a whole nexus
of forces making for a revivified Asia. But it dramatized and clarified
ideas which had been germinating half-unconsciously in millions of colored
minds, and both Asia and Africa thrilled with joy and hope. Above all, the
legend of white invincibility lay, a fallen idol, in the dust. Nevertheless,
though freed from imaginary terrors, the colored world accurately gauged the
white man's practical strength and appreciated the magnitude of the task
involved in overthrowing white supremacy. That supremacy was no longer
acquiesced in as inevitable and hopes of ultimate success were confidently
entertained, but the process was usually conceived as a slow and difficult
one. Fear of white power and respect for white civilization thus remained
potent restraining factors.
Then came the
Great War. The colored world suddenly saw the white peoples which, in racial
matters had hitherto maintained something of a united front, locked in an
internecine death-grapple of unparalleled ferocity; it saw those same
peoples put one another furiously to the ban as irreconcilable foes; it saw
white race-unity cleft by political and moral gulfs which white men
themselves continuously iterated would never be filled. As colored men
realized the significance of it all, they looked into each other's eyes and
there saw the light of undreamed-of hopes. The white world was tearing
itself to pieces. White solidarity was driven and shattered. And fear of
white power and respect for white civilization together dropped away like
garments outworn. Through the bazaars of Asia ran the sibilant whisper: "The
East will see the West to bed! "
The chorus of
mingled exultation, hate, and scorn sounded from every portion of the
colored world. Chinese scholars, Japanese professors, Hindu pundits, Turkish
journalists, and Afro-American editors, one and all voiced drastic
criticisms of white civilization and hailed the war as a well-merited
Nemesis on white arrogance and greed. This is how the Constantinople TANINE,
the most serious Turkish newspaper, characterized the European Powers: "They
would not look at the evils in their own countries or elsewhere, but
interfered at the slightest incident in our borders; every day they would
gnaw at some part of our rights and our sovereignty; they would perform
vivisection on our quivering flesh and cut off great pieces of it. And we,
with a forcibly controlled spirit of rebellion in our hearts and with
clinched but powerless fists, silent and depressed, would murmur as the fire
burned within: 'Oh, that they might fall out with one another! Oh, that they
might eat one another up!' And lo! to-day they are eating each other up,
just as the Turk wished they would." (Quoted from THE
LITERARY DIGEST, October 24, 1914, p. 784.)
The Afro-American
author, W. E. Burghardt Dubois, wrote of the colored world: "These nations
and races, composing as they do a vast majority of humanity, are going to
endure this treatment just as long as they must and not a moment longer.
Then they are going to fight, and the War of the Color Line will outdo in
savage inhumanity any war this world has yet seen. For colored folk have
much to remember and they will not forget." (W. E.
Burghardt Dubois `'The African Roots of War," ATLANTIC MONTHLY, May, 1915.)
"What does the
European War mean to us Orientals?" queried the Japanese writer, Yone
Noguchi "It means the saddest downfall of the so-called western
civilization, our belief that it was built upon a higher and sounder footing
than ours was at once knocked down and killed; we are sorry that we somehow
overestimated its happy possibility and were deceived and cheated by its
superficial glory. My recent western journey confirmed me that the so-called
dynamic western civilization was all against the Asiatic belief. And when
one does not respect the others, there will be only one thing to come, that
is, fight, in action or silence." (Yone Noguchi, "The
Downfall of Western Civilization," THE NATION (New York), October 8, 1914.)
Such was the
colored world's reaction to the white death-grapple, and as the long
struggle dragged on both Asia and Africa stirred to their very depths. To be
sure, no great explosions occurred during the war years, albeit lifting
veils of censorship reveal how narrowly such explosions were averted.
Nevertheless, Asia and Africa are to-day in acute ferment, and we must not
forget that this ferment is not primarily due to the war. The war merely
accelerated a movement already existent long before 1914. Even if the Great
War had been averted, the twentieth century must have been a time of
wide-spread racial readjustments in which the white man's present position
of political world-domination would have been sensibly modified, especially
in Asia. However, had the white race and white civilization been spared the
terrific material and moral losses involved in the Great War and its still un-liquidated aftermath, the process of racial readjustment would have been
far more gradual and would have been fraught with far fewer cataclysmic
possibilities. Had white strength remained intact it would have acted as a
powerful shock-absorber, taking up and distributing the various colored
impacts. As a result, the coming modification of the world's racial
equilibrium, though inevitable, would have been so graduated that it would
have seemed more an evolution than a revolution. Such violent breaches as
did occur might have been localized, and anything like a general
race-cataclysm would probably have been impossible.
But it was not to
be. The heart of the white world was divided against itself, and on the
fateful 1st of August, 1914, the white race, forgetting ties of blood and
culture, heedless of the growing pressure of the colored world without,
locked in a battle to the death. An ominous cycle opened whose end no man
can foresee. - Armageddon engendered Versailles; earth's worst war closed
with an unconstructive peace which left old sores unhealed and even dealt
fresh wounds. The white world to-day lies debilitated and uncured; the
colored world views conditions which are a standing incitement to rash
dreams and violent action.
Such is the
present status of the world's race-problem, expressed in general terms. The
analysis of the specific elements in that complex problem will form the
subject of the succeeding chapters.